CHINESE FOOD HABITS IN THE UNITED STATES --- WOK'S COOKING
Jacqueline M. Newman
Queens College, CUNY
65-30 Kissena Boulevard
Flushing NY 11367
What are the Chinese who live in the United States eating? Is it the same, slightly different, or very different from what they ate before? What is it that they did they eat before they came to the United States? Are there differences in their food habits between when they first came, after living in the United States a few years, and after they live here for many years? Over the past few decades, has there been a large increase in the population? What do we know about their eating habits? How do they cook, what do they cook, and when? Are they still using steamers and a wok? One might ask and should, "wok's" cooking with reference to all aspects of the dietary of this population?
In the first half of this decade, Asian-American populations increase 31% while those of Hispanics only increase 20%, Blacks 8%, and Caucasians 3% (Sloan, 1999). The Census Bureau reports Asian-Americans the fastest growing population in the United States (US). While there are ever-increasing numbers of Asians in the US, little research has been done about any of them including the first to come to the US, the Chinese. The Chinese are the largest Asian population in the US and the world's largest Asian population. They make up about 20% of all Asians in the US and more than one-quarter of the world's population (Sirota et al., 1996). Yet what do we know about them?
The Chinese first began arriving in the US during the 1800s. They are now settled in every state in the country and, as are all Asian populations, their numbers are increasing in every state. Shortly after the start of the millennium, the Chinese will be almost five percent of the US population, all Asian populations in the US, double that number. Is ten percent of the research done on food habits focused on Asian populations? Is research in any area, food clothing, or shelter done proportional to any population? Certainly not, with reference to Asian populations.
Finding research about Asian-Americans is a difficult task, with or without a computer (Newman, 1999a). One needs a myriad of key words and even with dozens of them, locating research about them is not easy; nor is it ever complete. When researching Chinese food habits in the late 1970s, I used the key words "Food habits, Chinese" and "Chinese food habits." That effort brought only three citations, not one of them the 1976 paper I published in the Journal of Home Economics called "Chinese Food Habits: The Diet of the Future?" In March 1999 the same search and turned up nine papers, only one of them mine. I have published four papers with the words "Chinese food habits" in the title in that order and four other papers with all three words in various orders. Furthermore, this author submitted and had accepted, an additional dozen articles published with "Chinese food habits" given as key words. The understanding is that key words are recommended for indexing purposes.
What does a manual search find, is it any better? To answer that question, a search was done in Index Medicus for articles listed in this decade searching under: "Asian," "Food Habits," and "Food Preferences". There is no category Chinese food habits, and I found no research paper listed in all three places and only two papers listed in any two of them. During these nine plus years there were 19 papers that addressed any Chinese food-related issue with only four about Chinese food habits and/or their dietary intake, my 1996 publication not among them. A study done by a friend about Taiwanese families and care-giving was not there either (Shyu, 1998) but I did find that paper listed under "Frail Elderly." That site was perused on a hunch; I knew about the Taiwanese study of the elderly but by fluke found it listed under that heading. Maybe it was not listed under "Asian" in Index Medicus because the index person was unaware that almost everyone living in Taiwan is Chinese.
Actually, there is a paucity of articles about Chinese food habits because little research is done and less is actually written and published about their dietary. That is astounding because for the Chinese, "nothing is more important than eating. " One would think that because the Chinese deem eating a "heavenly like affair" (Wen, 1974, p. 182), the Chinese themselves would want to research their own food traditions and behaviors. There was one article in these recent Index Medicus volumes about Chinese food habits but it said very little about these food habits in the US (Chen, 1996).
The above article and other studies point out that current Chinese food traditions have origins circa 4,000 B. C., and that these traditional behaviors remain unbroken (Condon, 1979). One reason given is that the Chinese are known to adhere more rigidly to their traditional food habits than any other ethnic population (Hooker, 1981). Whether they eat in or dine out, Chinese people spend more per week on food and beverage than any other culture (Sloan, 1999). Their food habit adherence may be why the literature advises that they assimilate less rapidly than any other ethnic group (Wong, 1982).
Not only is little research done about what the Chinese in the US are eating, there is also little about what other Asian-American populations are eating. The small amount of research done often shows little understanding of differences within or between one or more Asian population groups. A recent study about changes in eating patterns of Asian students in the US (Pan et al., 1999) looks at about 100 students. The students they assess were born in five Asian countries: China, Hong Kong, Japan, Korea, and Taiwan. With but 63 usable surveys, this study suggests negative long-term health effects are possible. With a pilot study done of one student per population area, the study investigates topics such as food frequency, eating-out patterns, snacks, dietary and herbal usage. Then using the results of the 63 people studied it discusses their behaviors regardless of which of these five countries they came from or their gender, or their age (21-35), time in the United States (three months to ten years), dollar amounts spent on food ($100-200/month), marital status, economic status before and since coming to the US, and many other factors known to impact food intake.
The above study is but one among the few done; what about others? Focusing on the Chinese in the US and highlighting food and related research about them, people need to be done with the understanding that not all Chinese in the United States came directly from China. They need to realize that Chinese from China are not one homogenous group. These concepts are the beginning of understanding of this population group. Greater understanding of their dietary needs to look at differences of the foods they consume, their recipes, attitudes, food related behaviors, and related health issues. All of these and more are essential to understand this growing, nay skyrocketing, segment of US society.
There are many places to locate food-related information about the Chinese. Other than research, a good place to start is looking at Chinese cookbooks. Those in the English language have been written about, many documented (Newman, 1993; 1987; Newman and Galvin, 1983). An updated documentation in about three years is promised by this author who probably owns more Chinese cookbooks in English than anyone else, more than 2,200 at last count. Chinese cookbooks are popular, their numbers increasing since the first item, a US govenunent pamphlet, with information about how to cook Chinese vegetables was written 100 years ago (Blasdale, 1899). Many of the authors, Chinese themselves, have advised that they want to retain their own food culture, pass it down to their children, that their cookbooks are appropriate vehicles to share their cultural dietary, and that the recipes in their books show both what the Chinese ate and what they are now eating. This can be substantiated because cookbook collections such as the Pond-Hertztmann Collection at the University of California, Davis are currently being used to gather data for research articles. One such is about Chinese community cookbooks, for the June issue Flavor and Fortune, the only English-language Chinese food magazine in the US. There are very few Chinese community cookbooks (books where individual people donate their own recipes and have their names listed as having done so, though this genre of cookbook is popular and growing in popularity. Another study in progress about this decade's nature and direction of recipe change is beginning to show that popular recipes reflect current American Dietary Guidelines. There are other research items in progress, some about the foods of lesser provinces, some about tofu and other Asian ingredient food item usage, others about types of historical information reported in cookbooks, and some about types of and inclusions in glossaries in Chinese cookbooks. This latter group reflects foods and/or cooking techniques currently or in past usage.
In the above and in other types of research, it is still appropriate to ask "woks cooking?" Poppy Cannon, a news and magazine reporter, and a cookbook author, answered that question (1964) saying that if you tell me what you eat I'll tell you what you are. The question was and is appropriate because food is a mirror reflecting ever so many phases of personal, national, and international history. These reflections, when looking at the food habits of any population group in the US, provide a window on the state of this ethnic population's food habits, their acculturation, their nutritional health, and more.
Published research about Chinese food habits in the US began long after the Chinese first came to this country circa 1848 (Buell, 1988). Two very early articles about this population were written by a westemer, they were the first articles about their dietary (Hawke, 1931; Hawke 1936). These publications, in the Journal of the American Dietetic Association, look at the diets and the nutritional status of Chinese children, and what Chinese women prepared and consumed in their homes, respectively. Fifty years before these items were published (1882), notes were published by Mary Chapman discussing the 1,700 or so Chinese living in Boston, their vegetable gardens and the various foods used there. Chapman speaks not only of their US food practices but about funerals that did not take place in the US Fifty years after the Hawke studies and almost a hundred years after Chapman's report, there the first literature search about Asians in the US is published (Lum, 1970). Lum finds several dozen studies done about Chinese populations. However, less than five of these relate to Chinese food behaviors other than a few about their inability to digest lactose, a milk sugar (i.e.: Chung and McGill, 1968; Flatz and Saengudom, 1969).
Investigating the food habits of the Chinese requires understanding their traditional food habits. Without that understanding there is no touchstone to relate similarities and differences to. There is no way to relate current behaviors to earlier and/or traditional food habits. In the US, four books have been published in English about Chinese food habits. These include items by Anderson (1988), Chang(1977), Simoons(1991),andWittwer et al.(1987). Another English language book about their food behaviors was published in Hong Kong by Koo (1982). These books provide excellent information and are the only volumes devoted solely to the food habits of the Chinese. Among them, first attention should be given to Anderson's The Food of China (1988), Chang's Food in Chinese Culture (1977), and Simoons' Food in China (1991). There is no index in the Wittwer et al. volume (1987). It concentrates on agricultural methods and technologies and doing so provides background when studying food habits. The Koo volume (1982) also has a specific focus, that of food and health in Chinese society. There are a few chapters in other books that address specific aspects of Chinese food habits such as menu planning in a volume by Eckstein (1 973) and other issues in other books by Marshall (1979), and Quinun (1974). In addition to these, there are a few dissertations dedicated to Chinese food habits including but not limited to, items by Holmes (1948), Ho (1961), Moy (1981), and Newman (1980).
Published papers about Chinese-American food behaviors deal with cultural congruity, food habit acculturation, assimilation, and maintenance and they use the terms food habits, foodways, and food habits interchangeably. Most of the articles are about general food habit/food consumption and about half of them include food practices and related health beliefs about infants, children, students, elderly, or general populations. Some articles emphasize specific aspects of food science such as iron or salt content in the diet or their levels or the levels of bacteria in common commercially prepared Chinese foods. Several of the articles investigate health care, health queries, and/or health risk.
Not all articles are experimental, many are descriptive research, some are just descriptive sampling, some use reasonable sized populations, a few use some form of random sampling, and all too many use but a small sample to make a point. As an example of the latter was done by the Center for Science in the Public Interest who looked not at what the Chinese were eating, but at Chinese take out and restaurant food and its nutrient content. This report gave negative impressions about the nutrition of Chinese food; it also had a negative impact on the Chinese restaurant industry (Cirillo, 1993).
Some articles about Chinese food compare the food habits of Chinese populations living in different countries or look at various ethnic populations including the Chinese living in the US, as did the Pan study previously mentioned. A few studies report about the Chinese in Canada or specific Chinese populations such as the Hmong from Laos; many Southeast Asians are ethnically Chinese. Locating many of these studies is exceptionally difficult and they are not included in this paper but specifics about published research that relates to food consumption, health beliefs, and other practices are detailed below.
The earliest research article mentioned above (Hawke, 1931) investigated Chinese children in New York City. It found consumption of Chinese foods and traditional food beliefs practiced. Another study, also in New York but some 40 years later (Ling et al., 1975), uses information provided by mothers and explores diet, growth, and food habits of Chinese-American infants. Ling and colleagues find cultural food habits maintained and the growth of the children less than that comparable to American children. A study done in Boston, explores successful ways to reach Chinese-American children using culturally congruent nutrition information about food groups (Wang and Dwyer, 1975). Querying teachers, Yao et al. (1988) find Chinese boys four times more hyperactive than the girls. Though their diets were not thoroughly detailed, percentage of hyperactivity was less for Chinese immigrant children, male or female, than for children of other countries.
At the other end of the age spectrum, Newman and Ludman (1984) compare food habits and beliefs of elderly in China and the United States and find soup consumption, as reported earlier by Holmes (1948), the beverage of choice at meals in both countries. They also report that special foods are purchased specifically for the elderly, that these foods are high in protein, and that all food behaviors they investigated are more similar than different. Yan(1985)looks at frail elderly Chinese and finds culturally adaptive foods and influences valuable reinforcements in their community-based long-term care situations. Hess (1986) compares Chinese and Hispanic seniors and finds both using many over-the-counter items. In her study, the Chinese use more traditional single dose herbal remedies and teas, the Hispanics multiple items from pharmacies, the Chinese prefer balms and ointments, the Hispanics laxatives. Hess provides lists of items for pain, indigestion, constipation, coughs and colds, and skin problems. Chao et al. (1990) investigate elderly Chinese women and detail dietary intake and health beliefs; both are quite traditional. Dallal et al. (1989) look at ascorbic acid and high-density lipoprotein and find the diet of their Boston population with lower cholesterol than comparable Caucasian American diets. Kim et al. (1993) compare nutritional status of three Asian populations and find the Chinese elderly consuming traditional foods that are quite healthy; comparable groups of Koreans and Japanese do, too, with minor differences.
In 1996, Ho et al. investigate students adapting to the American diet; they find culturally congruent foods and culturally acceptable adaptations. Similar findings are reported in an article by Grivetti and Paquette(1978) about the food choices of first generation Chinese in California. Yang and Fox (1979) look at Chinese in Nebraska, and Moy (1981) reports about student intake in Colorado. They all show more changes in food habits than among the mothers in New York queried by Newman and Linke(1982). This may be because the mothers with school-age children in their study express a need to pass on their Chinese food culture to their children. No matter the change in any of these studies, it is always first seen in animal food and dairy product intake. These intakes increase, while fruit and vegetable consumption decreases since coming to the US. Sirota et al. (1996) confirm that these changes are still occurring. Other articles show change, too. Most of this change is about health related food beliefs and practices that reflect use of, but not necessarily conscious awareness of, the use of culturally appropriate Yin/Yang and blood-building foods in the diet (Ludman and Newman, 1984; Ludman and Newman, 1989). All of the articles show considerable cultural congruence with traditional Chinese food behaviors.
Multicultural studies about food consumption and Chinese dietary include some already mentioned and other studies such as those by Kim et al. (1993) and Ho et al. (1966). These researchers investigating Chinese populations living in various countries report that their Chinese respondents show significant differences between the food habits of country of origin and their country of residence. This cultural congruence with country of origin remains true whether studying food habits and beliefs (Newman and Ludman, 1984), food and life-cycle events (Newman et al., 1988), food and health behaviors (Newman et al., 1991; Newman, 1995), or salt and sugar intake of the Chinese populations living in more than one country (Newman, 1999b).
Investigating food habits indirectly, several food science articles shed light on Chinese food use. Chew(1983) looks at sodium values in prepared Chinese condiments; she shows differences within and between brands discussing their use in sodium-restricted diets. Savage (1990) explores nutritional content of mung bean sprouts noting a decrease in indigestible raffinose and other components and an 'increase' in bioavailability of iron and other nutrients comparing bean sprouts to the whole legume. Two other papers (Britton and Zhou, 1992; Zhou and Britton, 1994) investigate iron content of Chinese foods cooked in woks and find available iron higher in foods cooked in iron woks than in glass pots. They learn that cast iron pots provide similar results to use of the wok. The Chinese subjects in these studies cook less often, but when they are stir-fiying,which they do more frequently since coming to the US, they say they use their woks a lot and mostly for eggs, meat, vegetables, tofu, and rice. Bryan et al. (1982a; 1982b; 1982c) report hazards in fried, boiled and steamed Cantonese foods found in Chinese restaurants and markets. They note that cooking temperatures destroy pathogenic bacteria while holding and reheating are often inadequate to kill pathogenic bacteria. The water activity of the foods in these studies slows bacterial growth and they offer concern about cross-contamination after cooking, during hot-holding and cooling, and when reheating some Chinese foods.
Research has been reported about other health related food habit concerns. These include lactose intolerance mentioned in the review by Lum (1970) and current interest by researchers such as Houts (1988) who discusses lactose malabsorption and what can be done to decrease this. Cattell (1962) looked at records about health and welfare and discusses attitude and other characteristic health differences that impact food habits as do Campbell and Chang (1973). The latter researchers find health care uneven and reflective of differences in traditional and contemporary beliefs. With reference to differences in food consumption and different ethnic populations, Ho et al. (1980) find no differences between Chinese and Caucasians in their bile acid pool size and lipid composition even though there is a difference in diet. Chan and Chan (1983), look at external issues that impact food habits and find consistency between self-reporting general health questionnaires and the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory particularly with respect to insomnia and depression. Cheung (1984) learns that Chinese students rarely seek mental help, but when they do, they seek medical doctors not mental health providers. Smith and Ryan (1987) report about the needs of parents whose children have developmental difficulties. These parents want and need language-relevant food and other materials and they need assistance specifically from those who speak their language. To this end, Gee and Vargas(1988) prepare and test a multicultural guide for renal patients that includes food behaviors, yin and yang foods, a few recipes, and a list of cookbooks.
In other areas related to food habits, Dallal and his colleagues (1989) show correlation between plasma ascorbic acid and HDL cholesterol, and Choi et al. (1990) demonstrate cardiovascular risk factors among elderly Chinese Americans. Yeung et al. (1991) find that the Chinese in the US have higher colorectal cancer risk due to intake of more high fat, high protein, and lower carbohydrate diets than do Chinese in China.
Overall, the greatest change in Chinese food habits takes place at the breakfast table and at lunch. In most studies, dinner meals remain the most traditional (i.e.: Yang and Fox, 1979; Newman and Linke, 1982; Chau et al., 1990; Sirota et al. 1996). Meals relating to life-cycle events likewise remain traditional (i.e.: Newman et al., 1988; Chau et al., 1990; Sirota et al., 1996). These issues and how Western health concerns impact Chinese foods and food habits needs more detailed investigation as does herbal use and participation in other traditional food-related practices. Much has been written about the use of Chinese herbs as food and food as herbs but little is more than anecdotal evidence. There is one study done, but it was done in Canada and not the US, that discusses how Chinese patients use herbal therapies (Wong, 1998). No research was located about Chinese herbal use in the US.
While a lot of research about Chinese food habits details frequency of consumption, little is done about the exact amounts of individual foods the Chinese are actually eating. One semi-quantitative study was done by Lee (1 994); others need to follow. This is a difficult but not impossible task even though tradition requires no knife at the table, foods cut into bite-sized pieces, and individual food items selected with individual sets of chopsticks from a common serving dish (Chang, 1977; Anderson, 1988). Quantitative research about the Chinese in the US will be a challenge as will finding ways to locate that already done about this population.
As the Chinese do believe that nothing is more important dm eating (Wen, 1974), they and others must research and write about the foods they are consuming. Work needs doing about exactly how much is eaten, the nutrition and health impact of these foods, herbal use and considerations among Chinese populations and the impact of these herbs and Chinese medicine in the US, and all other aspects of their food habits.
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