
A WORLD OF INAUTHENTIC CUISINE
Rachel Laudan
Calle de Tenaza 23
San Javier, Guanajuato
Guanajuato 36000, Mexico
Phone and Fax: 52-473-2-89-96
Email: rclaudan@bigfoot.com
My topic today is a culinary philosophy. I shall call it Culinary Luddism, after the Luddites, the English hand workers who in the nineteenth century smashed the machinery that was destroying their traditional way of life. In a similar, if less militant way, Culinary Luddites set their faces against the foods of modern industrial societies, against what we may call Culinary Modernism. They bemoan the steel roller mill, the closed iron range, and the electric oven, yearning for stone ground flour and open fires. They value heirloom apples and pumpkins, while despising modern tomatoes and hybrid corn. They are hostile to agronomists who develop high yielding modern crops, and to home economists who invent new white flour recipes for General Mills. They laugh at their mothers and grandmothers for embracing canned goods and frozen foods so enthusiastically. They shun Wonder Bread and Coca-Cola. Above all, they loathe the great culminating symbol of Culinary Modernism, McDonalds, modern, fast, homogenous, and international. Instead they seek out pre-industrial foods, either by digging into the history of food or by exploring ethnic byways. They pursue a dual goal: to turn back the flood tide of industrialized food in the First World, and to prevent such foods from engulfing traditional ethnic foods elsewhere.
Luddism is not a new culinary philosophy. We can trace its roots to figures such as Jean-Jacques Rousseau in the eighteenth century, and Percy Bysshe Shelley or Sylvester Graham in the nineteenth. By the end of World War II, it had become the dominant stance of the aptly if inelegantly named foodies. In the 1950s, the English author, Elizabeth David, gave it sophisticated expression in a series of cookbooks. In the 1960s, the counter culture took it up, preparing brown rice and handmade brown bread with ingredients bought at organic food coops. In the 1970s, John and Karen Hess laid out its tenets in great detail in their classic attack on the American food establishment, The Taste of America.[1]
Culinary Luddism has continued to gain ground in recent years. Enthusiastically endorsed by a slew of intellectuals, journalists, and cookbook authors, it is on its way to becoming the official culinary philosophy among the educated public. A few examples will remind us just how ubiquitous it is. In the south of France, rhapsodizes Richard Olney, author of Simple French Cooking, you can still see "the insouciant passage of the shepherd and his troop; the women [who] beat their laundry along the streams; stuffed aubergines and courgettes...carried through the streets at eleven o'clock in the morning to be installed in the ovens of the local bakery." This leads him to hope "that the reins of stubborn habit are strong enough to frustrate the famous industrial revolution for some time to come."[2] "Great cuisines have arisen from peasant societies," chimes in Michael Symons, restauranteur and historian of Australian food. "The lack of a peasant experience - or conversely [Australia's] total history of industrialisation," he continues, "explains why [Australia has] traditionally cared less about food than any other people in history."[3] "Setting the dairy industry back a hundred years," proudly announces the masthead of prizewinning cheese maker, Jonathan White. Going back not a hundred, but five hundred years, the French social historian, Georges Duby, asserts that medieval food "responds to our fierce, gnawing urge to flee the anemic, the bland, fast food, ketchup, and to set sail for new shores."[4]
Culinary Luddism has its institutions as well as its prophets. Among them is Slow Food, a loose consortium with its headquarters in Italy. "Our century," begins its manifesto, "which began and has developed under the insignia of industrial civilization, first invented the machine and then took it as its life model. We are enslaved by speed and have all succumbed to the same insidious virus: Fast Life, which disrupts our habits, pervades the privacy of our homes and forces us to eat Fast Foods...Slow Food is now the only truly progressive answer."[5] Founded in 1989, this self-described Green Peace for Food now has 60,000 members in 35 countries. Its Salone de Gusto in Turin in the fall of 1998 was, it claims, the biggest wine and food even ever held, with almost 127,000 visitors and 354 artisans' stands. "Our real enemy," one of its spokesmen was reported as saying in the New York Times, "is the obtuse consumer."[6]
Another Culinary Luddite institution is Oldways, a Boston foundation that aims to provide "a scientific basis for the preservation and revitalization of traditional diets" and thus "slow the world-wide epidemic of preventable chronic diseases,... help reduce pollution from agriculture...and retard the steady loss of cultural and biological diversity by preserving traditional ways of growing, cooking and eating food."[7] In cooperation with the Harvard School of Public Health, Oldways has developed "healthy eating pyramids" based on Mediterranean, Latin American and Asian diets to replace the U.S. Food Guide Pyramid, and promoted them in more than forty conferences and symposia attended by some 4,000 scientists, educators, chefs, writers, journalists and business people.
To return to traditional foods, says Culinary Luddites, is to return to the true, real and authentic way of eating. "You won't find a dishonest dish in this book ... The food here is real food, ... the real food of real people."[8] Paula Wolfert assures the readers of The Cooking of the Eastern Mediterranean. "Savor a world of authentic cuisine" proclaims the award-winning culinary magazine, Saveur.
I find much that is appealing in Culinary Luddism. I count the authors of Culinary Luddite books as my mentors in things culinary, and the folks who go to Slow Food and Oldways events as my culinary friends. Unlike many of my contemporaries, I was raised in a family that really did eat local, traditional, nonindustrial food. I remember picking gooseberries and red currants and white currants and strawberries and raspberries on drowsy summer days; collecting the bantams' eggs from corners of the barn; my parents' discussions about which varieties of potatoes, beans, and lettuce to plant; how we looked forward to the first asparagus of the year served with fresh bread and butter; and how we celebrated Christmas with pheasant shot on the farm and stuffed with the last of the year's parsley and thyme.
I was in my teens before I tasted canned or frozen vegetables. In my twenties, when I arrived in the United States, I sent my father a milk carton "pasteurized, homogenized, vitamin D added" in memory of the clotted cream we made from the Guernsey house cow. To this day, I don't eat Wonder Bread, nor drink Coca-Cola and drive my husband nuts by refusing to grab a quick bite at McDonalds on long cross country journeys. Besides, would I (or anyone else?) willingly own up to being "an obtuse consumer?" Or to preferring unreal food for unreal people? Or to savoring inauthentic cuisine?
But, but... But I am a culinary historian. I spend my days trying to figure out how people ate in the past and to find ways of explaining how we came to be eating the foods that we eat today. As a historian, I simply cannot accept Culinary Luddism's history. Because of that, neither can I accept its vision of the way we and others should eat. I want to be quite clear about this. I happily cook dishes that Culinary Luddites recommend. Many of them are delicious. I will leave to one side the question of whether their proposals make economic sense, though I have my doubts. My purpose is simply to examine what passes for history among Culinary Luddites.
Theirs is a simple story. Prior to the Industrial Revolution, people ate food that was fresh, natural, local, slow, peasant, tasty, healthy and authentic. Then came new ways of farming and fishing, new ways of processing, preserving, distributing, and marketing foodstuffs, agronomists, agribusinesses, food corporations, nutritionists and home economists, and diets changed. The British, the Americans, the Canadians and the Australians began to eat an appalling diet, high in fats, sugars and other highly refined foodstuffs. They unwittingly abandoned traditional ways, which were replaced with the meretricious values of a consumer society. Only in areas of the world little touched by industrialization, such as parts of Mediterranean, Latin America, and Asia, are the old traditional ways still preserved and, unless the Culinary Luddite acts quickly to record and preserve those foodways, they too will be gone. It is a story of disaster, of a fall from grace.
How do Culinary Luddites persuade us of this bifurcated past, so sharply divided into pre- and post-industrialism? They do so not with arguments and evidence, but by invoking a series of dichotomies. On the one hand are the traditional and ethnic foods, fresh and natural, local, slow, rural and artisanal, diverse, old, tasty, healthy and authentic. Hurrah! Hurrah! On the other are industrial foods, processed, preserved, global, fast, urban, industrial, homogeneous, bland, unhealthy, and artificial. Yuk! Yuk! Boo! Boo! Every one of these emotive dichotomies would merit sustained analysis. But since they hang together and are more than the sum of their parts, let us see what historical merits eight of the most important actually posses.
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(1) Fresh and natural foodstuffs, through most of history, meant a taste that was unpleasant, and aftermath of indigestion and diarrhea, and quite possibly an end result of poisoning or starvation. Fresh beef was rank and tough, fresh milk was warm and unmistakeably a bodily excretion, fresh fruits were inedibly sour, fresh vegetables rank or bitter. Fresh fruits and vegetables, then as now, also caused vomiting, cramps and diarrhea; physicians from China to Europe warned against overindulgence. Fresh fish began to smell, fresh milk soured, eggs went rotten. In winter or in the dry season, hens did not lay, cows went dry, fruits and vegetables were unavailable, fish migrated or could not be caught because of storms. The grains, on which many societies depended for up to 90% of their calories, were impossible to digest without tedious threshing and grinding and cooking. Roots and tubers, the staples of other societies, were downright poisonous: green potatoes, stinging taro, the prussic acid of bitter cassava.
Our forebears bred, ground, soaked, leached, curdled, fermented, and cooked naturally occurring plants and animals until they were literally beaten into submission. They built granaries for their grain, dried their meat and their fruit, salted and smoked their fish, curdled and fermented their dairy products, and cheerfully used whatever additives and preservatives they could-sugar, salt, oil, lye-to make edible foodstuffs. In the 12th century, the Chinese sage, Wu Tzu-mu listed the seven necessities of life: rice, salt, vinegar, soy sauce, oil, tea and wood. Six of these were foodstuffs; five of them had been unrecognizably transformed from their original form. Sea water and salt springs had been boiled to make salt; rice had been fermented into ale and then soured to make vinegar; soy beans had been cooked and fermented to make sauce; cabbage seeds had been crushed to extract oil; and the leaves of a camellia plant had been killed by heat, powdered and packed into bricks of tea. Happiness was a full storehouse. Only the uncivilized, the poor and the starving resorted to fresh and natural foods. When the author of the Confucian classic, the Book of Rites, said that wild and uncooked foods (that is fresh and natural) were what people ate before they took "advantage of the benefits of fire...[before] they toasted, grilled, boiled, and roasted... [before] they produced must and sauces."9 he was only saying what was commonplace worldwide. When the ancient Greeks took it as a sign of bad times when people had to eat greens and root vegetables, they too were repeating common wisdom.[10] Processed and preserved foods, by contrast, not only kept well and were easier to digest, they were more delicious: risen white bread, thick, nutritious, heady beer, unctuous oil from the inedible fruit of an unprepossessing tree, milk, cream, cheese and curd and a tasty sauce from beans that eaten fresh gave you wind for hours, flexible fragrant flat breads from dry, chewy maize, not to mention wine, cheese, sauerkraut, marmalade, hundred-year-old eggs, Smithfield hams, kippers, crack seed, apricot leather, milk fudge, and fish sauce. (2) So much for fresh, but what about local? Local foods were the lot of the poor. Unlike the rich, they could not escape the tyranny of local climate and biology, and the monotonous, often precarious diet it afforded. The rich, ready for a more varied diet, bought, stole, wheedled, robbed, taxed, and ran off with appealing plants and animals, foodstuffs, and culinary techniques from wherever they could find them. By the 5th century BC, Celtic princes in the region of France now known as Burgundy, enjoyed a glass or two of Greek wine, drunk from silver copies of Greek drinking vessels.[11] Meanwhile, the Greeks looked to the Persians, importing their peaches and apricots and citrons, as well as the habit of reclining to eat. Around the time of the birth of Christ, Chinese and Roman nobility snapped up spices brought from the distant and mysterious Spice Islands, as their descendants were to do for centuries thereafter. From the 7th century AD on, the Islamic elite sponsored a massive transfer of plants-sugar, rice and citrus among them-westward across the northern and southern shores of the Mediterranean. When the foreign stimulant drinks, coffee, tea and cocoa became the rage in seventeenth century Europe, the rich drank them in Chinese porcelain, imported or imitation, proffered by servants in Turkish or other foreign dress. The Swedes, who had no empire, found it hard to get hold of these drinks, so the botanist, Linnaeus, set afoot plans to naturalize the tea plant in Sweden. We may laugh. Yet at the time, Linnaeus's proposal was not more ridiculous than other, more successful proposals to naturalize sugar cane across the tropical world, apples in Australia, grapes in Chile, and Hereford cattle across the world's grasslands. These were the activities we now euphemistically describe as 'spreads,' 'exchanges,' or 'gifts'. Whether forced or voluntary, without the expansion of culinary resources from the local to the global, our diets would be dull indeed. (3) Long before soccer moms, fast food (food prepared outside the home to be eaten rapidly and away from home) was a fact of life. Hunters, fishermen, shepherds and soldiers all needed fast, portable food. Wheat flour was baked into hard tack or dried as pasta, maize toasted and ground into pinole, and barley roasted and ground into a meal (fit for the gods, according the Greeks). This meal could be consumed as it was or mixed with water, milk or butter. Plato and Aristotle would have eaten it frequently. The Tibetans still do, under the name, tsampa. When fuel cost as much as the food it cooked, and when lighting fires in crowded city dwellings was a perilous thing to do, city dwellers depended on the noodle shop, the taco stand, and the bakery for a quick hot bite. Besides, lots of foods, deep fried foods in particular, are prepared more safely and cheaply in specialized facilities. Donuts, churros, andagi, and sev all fall in this category. To a way of eating that went as far back as we have records, Americans simply added the electric deep fryer, the heavy iron griddle of the Low Countries, and the franchise. (4) And what about the idea that the best food was country food, hand made by artisans? That food came from the country goes without saying. That the best food was to be found in the country is very dubious. Few who worked the land were independent peasants baking their own bread, brewing their own beer, and salting down their own pig. They were serfs, slaves, indentured laborers, or rent and tax payers. Often barely part of the cash economy, they subsisted on what was left over. "The city dwellers," remarked the great Roman doctor Galen in the 2nd Century AD, "collected and stored enough grain for all the coming year immediately after the harvest. They carried off all the wheat, the barley, the beans and the lentils and left what remained to the countryfolk.["] What remained was pretty pitiful. All too often, those who worked the land got by on thin gruels and gritty flat breads. They were far too sensible to risk their paltry resources trying risky new ideas. Necessity is not the mother of invention, surplus is. The surplus was in the city, not the country. Cities had the weapons, the money, and the network of roads, canals and sailing routes to draw on the resources of a large hinterland. Consequently city folk (except recent immigrants fleeing famine in the countryside) ate better than the country folk. Wealth was concentrated there, and people prepared to pay for rare ingredients, splendid new dishes, elaborate banquets. The great cuisines were not to be found in the countryside of Tuscany or the Punjab or Chekiang, but in Rome, Hangchow, Baghdad, Cordoba, Istanbul, Delhi, Mexico City, Naples, Tokyo, Paris, and Bangkok. 5) Because most people were country people without regular access to city markets, their diets, far from being diverse, were monotonous. In the late nineteenth century, during the winter the Mennonites of South Russia had, for their main meal, noodles, potatoes or rye bread, with a little salt pork three times a week, dried fruit soups or fitters, and watermelon pickle as the vegetable four nights out of seven.[12] They were the lucky ones, prosperous farmers with rich land. There were those who had the pease pudding hot, pease pudding cold, pease pudding in the pot nine days old of the nursery rhyme. Such diversity as there was, was to be found across wide areas or between cultures. But my strong impression is that even here, we see more diversity now than in the past. (6) Which leads me directly to the notion of old, traditional dishes or cuisines. Ask Hawaiians about their traditional dishes, and immediately after listing poi and laulau, they will add lomilomi salmon. Lomilomi salmon is salted salmon rubbed together with chopped tomatoes and spring onions. Point out that there are no salmon caught anywhere in or near Hawaii and that onions and tomatoes were introduced only in the nineteenth century, and you will be met with disbelief, verging on hostility. Examples such as this Hawaiian one remind us that most revered food traditions, including ethnic ones, are as likely to have been invented yesterday, historically speaking, as in the distant past. The French baguette? Invented in the 1920s when a change in baking regulations made it impossible to make traditional long-rising bread. Greek moussaka? Created in the early twentieth century in an attempt to Frenchify Greek food.[13] The English Christmas pudding? Dates from the late nineteenth century. Fish and chips? About the same time, when the working class took up the fried fish of Sephardic Jewish immigrants in East London. Fish and chips, though, will soon be a thing of the past. It's a Balti and lager now. Balti being a kind of stir-fried curry dreamt up by Pakistanis living in Birmingham. The bubbling Russian samovar? Late eighteenth century. The Indonesian rijstafel? Dutch colonial food. Indonesian padang food? Invented for the tourist market in the past fifty years.[14] Tequila? Promoted as the national drink of Mexico during the 1930s by the Mexican film industry.[15] Indian tandoori chicken? The brainwave of Hindu Punjabis who survived by selling chicken cooked in a Muslim-style tandoor oven when they fled Pakistan during the Partition of India. When conquest, religious conversion, changing notions of health and migration, dishes get invented and dishes get forgotten. Whole cuisines get forgotten and invented too. Where now is the cuisine of Renaissance Spain and Italy, or of the Indian Raj, or of Tsarist Russia or of medieval Japan? Meanwhile we have Nonya food in Singapore, and Cape Malay food in South Africa, and 'Local Food' in Hawaii. How long does it take to create a cuisine? Not long, less than fifty years judging by the Hawaiian experience. The key question is whether, or balance, we are gaining or losing. Finding some clear measure of culinary loss and gain has yet to be attempted. But my impression as I assemble materials for a history of food is that we have gained far more than we have lost. (7) Whether food was tastier in the past, or whether it would have tasted better to us (two quite different issues) is simply beyond our ken. Even today, authors of ethnic cookbooks, restaurateurs, resort hotels all systematically mislead by extolling the deliciousness of their chosen cuisine while suppressing mention of dishes that are not acceptable to our tastes: organ meats and insects worldwide, pounded rice desserts in Asia, gorditas in Mexico, strong fermented beans (natto) in Japan. Tourist luaus in Hawaii titillate their diners by daring them to eat poi, it is true. But they draw the line at beef liver poke, small chunks of raw beef liver, a little on the high side, seasoned with seaweed, even though no one would deny that it was tasty. With the best will in the world we cannot recreate the taste of dishes of the past. With the exception of fish, our foodstuffs almost certainly taste different from those of even a hundred years ago. Our own taste expectations necessarily inform the way we interpret earlier recipes. And as psychologists and food scientists have shown, with certain exceptions such as sugar, taste preferences are highly subjective matter. (8) As for health, our forebears were even more obsessed with staying well by eating well than we are, scarcely surprising given the state of medical knowledge prior to the twentieth century. The Chinese diet was calculated according to Taoist medical principles, the Hindu by Ayurvedic and the Islamic and European diets by the medicine of Classical Antiquity. Most people also, through no fault of their own, ate diets low in fat and sugar, though it should be noted that this was often not what their doctors recommended: butter was highly recommended in India, sugar was a medicine in India, Islam and medieval Europe. Yet by any measure, height and weight, longevity, our ancestors were much less healthy than us. One possibility is that the diet itself was in large measure to blame. Certainly there were problems with earlier diets. Babies, even of the rich, often found it hard to get enough breast milk, the poor developed deficiency diseases such as pellagra or beriberi if they had to depend too heavily on maize or white rice, everyone suffered from the lack of fresh fruit and vegetables by the end of the winter or dry season, in western Europe alcoholic drinks were an important foodstuff so that alcoholism was common, and problems with adulterated foodstuffs were commonplace. Another possibility is epidemic disease and living conditions and the like were more important determinants of health than was diet. Historians are still trying to figure out which was the more important. Whichever it was, though, no nostalgia for the pastoral foods of the distant past can explain away the fact that our ancestors lived mean, short lives, constantly afflicted with diseases, many of which can be directly attributed to what they did and didn't eat. We may have good reasons for wanting to change the contemporary diet, but trying to elicit what was healthy about diets of the past is a losing proposition. |
In short, in light of this litany, perhaps we should re-characterize the eight dichotomies, reversing the emotional change. Supposing instead of fresh and natural, we talked about rank, indigestible and perishable, instead of local we used provincial, and continued with tedious, monotonous, rigid, old-fashioned, coarse and unsophisticated. Would the foods advocated by Culinary Luddism then have such appeal? I doubt it.
But there is more. Historical tales can be as misleading for what is NOT said as for what IS said, for sins of omission as much as for sins of commission. Culinary Luddites gloss over the fact that, until industrialization, producing and preparing food absorbed the energies of most of the population. In 1800, 95 percent of the Russian population and 80% of the French was rural, that is, in the business of getting food on the table. In 1900, Russia was still 88% rural, Greece 85% and France over 50%.[16] We still don't know, to use the phrase of the Cambridge historian, Peter Laslett, whether the peasants really starved, and if so how often, particularly outside Europe.[17] Starvation or not, the food supply was always precarious: bad weather or war and there might not be enough to go around. Most men were born to a life of labor in the fields, most women to a life of grinding and pounding and cooking. "Servitude," said my mother as she put three home-cooked meals for eight to ten people on the table seven days a week, 365 days a year. "I'm not going to teach you girls to cook. You'll have to start soon enough." That was the downside of the asparagus bed and the clotted cream and the Christmas pheasant.
My mother was lucky compared to women in other parts of the world. She did not have to prepare the grain for the bread we ate every day. A Mexican housewife at the same time, if she did not have servants to do it for her, could expect to spend one third of her waking hours, five hours a day, doing nothing but preparing the family's tortillas. It was the invention in the 1950s of the tortilla machine that ran on masa harina and water that released her from hours on her knees at the metate.[18]
Because growing, processing and preparing food was so laborious, traditional societies were aristocratic societies, made up of the many who worked at food production and processing, and the few who could be supported on the limited surplus. A few people, a very few, were rich and powerful. The rich had great kitchens in which intricate dishes were created. Many of the foods that today we identify as ethnic were in fact designed for the aristocrats. This is as true of Indian foods of the Mughal courts (chicken korma), Turkish food (iman bayildi) from the great palace in Istanbul, or the court dishes (mee krob) of nineteenth century Thai court.
These cuisines were a way for the aristocracy to drive home their power with the symbol that everyone understood: great shows of food, more than they could possibly consume. Banquets were public occasions for the display of power, not private occasions for celebration. The poor, who could never hope to consume such foods, were invited to watch, groveling as the rich gorged themselves. When Culinary Luddites talk about tradition, is it the gorgers or the grovelers they have in mind?
In the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, it looked as if the distinction between gorgers and grovelers would worsen. Population was climbing world wide. Governments worldwide redoubled their efforts to get the poor to eat undesirable but productive staples: maize in much of the subtropical and Mediterranean worlds, potatoes in more northerly zones. Even so famine was a constant threat. Meanwhile the rich continued to eat lavishly. In Western Europe, this meant that they feasted on fine white bread, beef and venison and other rich meats, rich fatty sauces, sweet desserts, exotic tropical pineapples grown in greenhouses at great expense, rich wines, and tea, coffee and chocolate drunk from fine china. The poor got by on coarse breads of rye or barley, porridges of oats or maize, and potatoes and saw meat only on the rare occasion. In 1845, shortly after revolutions had rocked Europe, the British prime minister, Benjamin Disraeli summed up the situation: "Two nations, between whom there is not intercourse and no sympathy; who are as ignorant of each other's habits, thoughts and feelings, as if they were dwellers in different zones, or inhabitants of different planets; who are formed by a different breeding, are fed by a different food, are ordered by different manners, and are not governed by the same laws. ..THE RICH AND THE POOR."[19]
Then, belatedly compared to the industrialization of textiles and clothing, the industrialization of food got under way in the 1880s. Instead of starving, the poor of the industrialized world survived and thrived. Like the rich, they were able to afford fine, digestible white bread and fats and jam to spread on it. They began to eat meat regularly and not just for the occasional celebration. They could drink tea out of china tea cups and had sugar to put in it. They could afford canned pineapple and the occasional banana.
A disaster? By my lights, it was a triumph. A fall from grace? No; surely a dream come true. Culinary Modernism had provided what was wanted: food that was processed, preservable, industrial, novel, and fast, the food of the elite at a price everyone could afford. Culinary Modernism was not the negation of traditional culinary philosophies, but their fulfillment, their apotheosis. In Culinary Modernism, foods of the elite became available to everyone. Populations grew taller, stronger, had fewer diseases, and lived longer (though we are still not sure whether better diet was the sole or even the most important cause). Men had choices other than agricultural labor, women other than kneeling at the metate five hours a day.
Thus, in no way, shape or form is Culinary Luddism a return to the culinary philosophy of our pre-modern, pre-industrial-revolution forebears. Far from wanting the cuisine urged by Culinary Luddism, they were fleeing it. Culinary Luddism is a thoroughly contemporary or, if you prefer, a postmodern philosophy. The sunlit past of the Culinary Luddites never existed. The philosophy is based not on history but on a fairy tale.
So what? We might ask. Perhaps we now need this culinary philosophy. Perhaps we should eat more fresh, natural, local, artisanal, slow food. If so, why not create a myth, a historical myth, to further that end? All kinds of pressure groups have done that and where's the harm? The past is over. Does it matter if the history is not quite right?
It matters quite a bit, I believe. When Culinary Luddism underestimates how much traditional foods changed and simultaneously overestimates their age, it can all too easily leads us into the trap of condescending to people who still eat 'ethnic' food. They can be portrayed as the pawns of a conspiracy of multinational corporations, a conspiracy from which they have to be protected. We descend on them to collect their 'traditional' recipes before they are lost. We are upset if we see them going to McDonalds. A Mexican friend told me that a visiting American food writer expressed surprise and disappointment that she served non-Mexican foods. My friend pointed out that over the past couple of centuries, Mexico had been absorbing French, English, Lebanese, even Chinese and Japanese elements into their cuisine. Just like us, they like the choices it opened up. "Why shouldn't we eat spaghetti too?" she protested.
When Culinary Luddism plays down how much your class constrained what you ate in the past, it can all too easily let us forget how modern food allows people more choices, not just of food but of what they do with their lives. The foods of Culinary Modernism are egalitarian, available more or less equally to all, without demanding the disproportionate amount of the resources-either in terms of time or money-that traditional foodstuffs did. If we urge the Mexican to stay at her metate, the farmer to stay at his olive press, the housewife to stay at her stove instead of going to McDonalds, so that we may eat hand made tortillas, traditionally pressed olive oil, home cooked meals, we are assuming the mantle of the aristocrats of old. We are reducing the choices of others as we attempt to impose our elite culinary preferences on the rest of the population.
When Culinary Luddism romanticizes the past, it prevents us seeing that it is the modern, global, industrial economy that allows us to savor traditional and peasant foods. Virgin olive oil, Thai fish sauce, and udon noodles come to us thanks to international marketing. Visits to charming little restaurants and colorful markets in Algiers or Vietnam come to use thanks to international tourism. Asparagus and strawberries in winter come to us thanks to trucks trundling up from the state in which I now live, Guanajuato, Mexico. Culinary Luddism, far from escaping the global food economy, is parasitic upon it.
To conclude, Culinary Luddism combines a nostalgia for a past that never was with a hankering for a system of food product that, not by accident but by its very nature, was labor intensive, socially repressive, and morally exploitative. Culinary Luddites are right that we need a culinary philosophy. But we need a philosophy that recognizes that what Culinary Modernism did was to open up choices that had not been possible before. We need a philosophy that does not prejudge, but decides on a case-by-case basis when and if natural is preferable to processed, fresh to preserved, old to new, and slow to fast, diverse to homogeneous, artisanal to industrial. And if Culinary Luddites dismiss such a philosophy as leading to 'inauthentic cuisine'- a meaningless pejorative-then all I can say is three cheers for inauthentic cuisine.
| 1. | John and Karen Hess, The Taste of America (Columbia, S.C.: University of South Carolina Press, 1989 for 1972). |
| 2. | Richard Olney, Simple French Food (London: Penguin, 1983 for 1974), 3. |
| 3. | Michael Symons, One Continuous Picnic: A History of Eating in Australia (Adelaide: Duck Press, 1982), 12. |
| 4. | Foreword to Odile Redon, Francoise Sabban, and Silvano, Serventi, The Medieval Kitchen: Recipes from France and Italy, trans. Edward Schneider (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), ix. |
| 5. | http://www.slow-food.com/principles/manifest.html |
| 6. | http://www.slow-food.com/principles/press.html |
| 7. | http://www.oldwayspt.org/html/meet.htm (Accessed 1999). |
| 8. | Paula Wolfert, The Cooking of the Eastern Mediterranean: 215 Healthy, Vibrant and Inspired Recipes (New York: HarperCollins, 1994), 2. |
| 9. | E.N.Anderson, The Food of China (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988), 41-42. |
| 10. | Andrew Dalby, Siren Feasts, A History of Food and Gastronomy in Greece (London and New York: Routledge), 24-25. |
| 11. | T.G.E. Powell, The Celts (London: Thames and Hudson, 1986 for 1958), 108-114. |
| 12. | Norma Jost Voth, Mennonite Foods and Folkways from South Russia Vol. II (Intercourse, Pa: Good Books, 1994 for 1991), 264-65. |
| 13. | Aglaia Kremezi, "Nikolas Tselementes," in Harlan Miller, ed. Cooks and Other People: Proceedings of the Oxford Symposium on Food and Cookery, 1995 (Totnes, Devon: Prospect Books, 1996), 167. |
| 14 | Lisa Klopfer's "Padang Restaurants: Creating 'Ethnic' Food in Indonesia," Food and Foodways 5(1993) |
| 15 | Jose Maria Muria, "El agave historico: Momentos del Tequila," El Tequila: Arte Tradicional de Mexico, Artes de Mexico 27 (1995), 17-28. |
| 16. | Peter Stearns, European Society in Upheaval, Social History since 1750 (New York: Macmillan, 1975 for 1967), 15. |
| 17 | Peter Laslett, The World We Have Lost (London, 1965). |
| 18. | Jeffrey M. Pilcher. Que vivan los tamales! (Alberquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press, 1998), 105. |
| 19. | Benjamin Disraeli, Sybil, Book II, Chapter 5. |

